Ecocentric Infrastructures and Site-specific Practices for the Revitalization of Local Cultural Commons

Infra-estruturas ecocêntricas e práticas específicas do local para a revitalização de comunidades culturais locais

Vadala, D.

UNICT - University of Catania

Retirado de: http://convergencias.esart.ipcb.pt
ABSTRACT: The prevailing production and consumption models have continued to generate territorial unbalances, un-employment, pollution, unfair labor in both advanced and emerging economies, more than two decades after  the dissolution of the Blocs and in parallel with the rise of a new multipolar (dis)order.

Against an interdisciplinary research background, the paper is meant to introduce the concept of ‘ecocentric infrastructure’ and to highlight the role these can have in the revitalization of local cultural commons, a complex heritage made of both tangible and intangible aspects.

Moving from a set of diverse case studies in terms of spatial arrangement, geographical position and human development, it will be suggested that a kind of physical structure, defined in dialectical opposition to the ‘heavy infrastructure’, may profoundly transform a given context, primarily relying upon locally based resources and labor.

The selected case studies, creatively relying on both sides of production and consumption, can be decisive in promoting site-specific production models and addressing culturally sited consumption patterns, through complex solutions that accept multifarious social and productive activities leading to the emerging model of ecocentric infrastructure.

These projects, given their scalability and flexibility, are likely to create economic and social values in stressed areas of different world contexts, seeming especially able to meet a worldwide condition characterized by rising levels of socio-economic turmoil and political unpredictability.

KEYWORDS: ecocentric infrastructures; ecocentric management; cultural commons.
RESUMO: Os modelos predominantes de produção e consumo continuaram a gerar desequilíbrios territoriais, desemprego, poluição, mão de obra injusta em economias avançadas e emergentes, mais de duas décadas após a dissolução dos Blocos e em paralelo com o surgimento de um novo multipolar (des)ordem.

No sentido da defesa de um fundo de investigação interdisciplinar, o artigo pretende introduzir o conceito de "infra-estrutura ecocêntrica" e destacar o papel que estes podem ter na revitalização dos bens comuns culturais locais, um patrimônio complexo feito de aspetos tangíveis e intangíveis.

Passando de um conjunto de estudos de caso diversos em termos de arranjo espacial, posição geográfica e desenvolvimento humano, será sugerido que uma espécie de estrutura física, definida na oposição dialética à "infra-estrutura pesada", possa transformar profundamente um determinado contexto, principalmente dependendo de recursos e mão-de-obra locais.

Os estudos de caso selecionados, que dependem criativamente de ambos os lados da produção e do consumo, podem ser decisivos na promoção de modelos de produção específicos do local e no tratamento de padrões de consumo culturalmente assentados, através de soluções complexas que aceitam múltiplas atividades sociais e produtivas levando ao modelo emergente de infra-estrutura ecocêntrica.

Esses projetos, dada a sua escalabilidade e flexibilidade, têm o potencial de criar valores económicos e sociais em áreas sobrecarregadas em diferentes contextos mundiais, parecendo especialmente capazes de enfrentar uma condição mundial caracterizada por níveis crescentes de turbulência socioeconómica e imprevisibilidade política.

 
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: infra-estruturas ecocêntricas; gestão ecocêntrica; bens comuns culturais.

1. Introduction

Even when heavy infrastructures such as bridges, roads, ports, airports, have proved scarcely useful and, at times, even disturbing for a given locale, a belief still prevails that this kind of infrastructures are by themselves crucial for the development of fringe areas.

Not infrequently, civil infrastructure site works such as for highway enlargements remain open for many years provoking side effects as ecological unbalances, soil alteration and protracted interferences with the local networks. In countries with a heavily fuelled public system, it may happen that civil works are unfinished or turn out to be useless after their completion (Cuda 2013).

It is furthermore evident that, in regional contexts lagging behind, the development of heavy infrastructures, rather than inspiring the creative potential of a place and the local building cultures, tend to impact the locale at the end of the value chain of the building industry (quarries, loose materials) with a limited control upon the procedures adopted, so influencing negatively the labor formation in the building sector (Vadala’ 2009, 2012).

The paradigm of heavy infrastructure is not necessarily limited to public facilities, as it includes today much larger parts of the urban areas, from the ‘gated and secure communities’ of San Paolo or Johannesburg (Baumann, 2005) until transit adjacent business districts  like the Garibaldi in Milan, visibly asserting its detachment from the surrounding neighborhood of Porta Garibaldi, now largely gentrified.

Even when heavy infrastructures such as bridges, roads, ports, airports, have proved scarcely useful and, at times, even disturbing for a given locale, a belief still prevails that this kind of infrastructures are by themselves crucial for the development of fringe areas.

Not infrequently, civil infrastructure site works such as for highway enlargements remain open for many years provoking side effects as ecological unbalances, soil alteration and protracted interferences with the local networks. In countries with a heavily fuelled public system, it may happen that civil works are unfinished or turn out to be useless after their completion (Cuda 2013).

It is furthermore evident that, in regional contexts lagging behind, the development of heavy infrastructures, rather than inspiring the creative potential of a place and the local building cultures, tend to impact the locale at the end of the value chain of the building industry (quarries, loose materials) with a limited control upon the procedures adopted, so influencing negatively the labor formation in the building sector (Vadala’ 2009, 2012).

The paradigm of heavy infrastructure is not necessarily limited to public facilities, as it includes today much larger parts of the urban areas, from the ‘gated and secure communities’ of San Paolo or Johannesburg (Baumann, 2005) until transit adjacent business districts  like the Garibaldi in Milan, visibly asserting its detachment from the surrounding neighborhood of Porta Garibaldi, now largely gentrified.

 

Fig. 1.

Milan, Porta Garibaldi. Photo D. Vadalà
 

This paper is aimed at highlighting the role that a different kind of ‘ecocentric infrastructure’ may have in stimulating site-specific labor practices, while inspiring more knowledgeable consumption in a given context and producing, in the long run, beneficial effects on the local economy, enhancing a sense of place and favoring the revitalization of marginal sites.

 

2. Ecocentric Infrastructures and the paradigm of Ecocentric Management

The notion of ecocentric infrastructure does not come in a void. If the ‘Sustainability of Sustainable Consumption’ has been posed as an issue in fields as Social Studies, Law and Macro-economy (Dolan 2002, Kilbourne et alii 1997, Salzman 1997), the need to readdress the current dynamics of production and consumption towards locally sustainable benefits, has also been put forward in the design research literature. “So given that design seeks to improve existing situations to preferred ones, then it can be used to develop unsustainable communities into sustainable communities” (Cucuzzella and De Coninck, 2008). In this case “the criteria is no longer limited to the scope of material, form and process, but includes a diversity of considerations that may include political, environmental, economic, cultural and educational issues” (Madge, 1997).

A similar concern, in the field of architectural theory, has brought into question a design practice focused upon the “static properties of objects” for promoting the idea of Spatial Agency, where “spatial does not so much replace architectural as a term, but radically expand it” through the consideration of “the more volatile aspects of buildings: the processes of their production, their occupation, their temporality, and their relations to society and nature” (Awan, Schneider, Till; 2011). Though in a rather different sense, it has been already held that “new inventions and the introduction of intelligent reduced (or light) infrastructures are required. In the long term only closed cycles for processes and use of material could result in a permanent urban environment”. (Timmerenn 2006).

Widening the discussion beyond the sole field of networked systems, it can be argued that ecocentric infrastructures, flexibly scaled according to necessities and positively interfering with the urban ‘suprastructure’, can give the spur to the creation of new industries to replace goods and services that the urban region was not producing at all, so generating profits and interconnections at a local level (Jacobs, 1984 and 2005, Blumenfeld 1955, Elvin 2008).

The role of local import substitution opportunities in fostering sustainable economies leads to consider those points of view in the field of Organizational Management that, in these last decades, have brought into question many aspects of the established productive systems. 

In fact a growing number of companies, since the mid 1990’s, started being more genuinely committed in  environmental management systems, appointing board members with corporate environmental responsibilities and investing in improving environmental performance (Shrivastava 1996, Beloe 1999) and generally moving towards an organizational behavior known as Corporate Social Responsibility or CSR.

In general, at the turn of the century, corporate responses to environmental concerns have increasingly shifted “from end-of-pipe or control technologies to sustainable technologies and the design of cleaner production methods” (Jansen and Vellema, 2004) so that a paradigm shift towards an ecocentric management model can be suggested (Shrivastava, 1995).[1]

According to this ideal, an enterprise that is able to properly design and introduce a set of creative solutions, transforming its organizational structure in compliance with those objectives, would be able to entirely renew the cycle of production, distribution and consumption making a decisive step towards the effective implementation of the principles of sustainability.

In the development of marginal areas the theory of ecocentric management is other than accidental: this approach to organizational management, more than being a neutral model rather implies a special involvement by the side of an enterprise that, when producing and distributing whatever kind of product or service, is openly committed to the development of the region where it operates.

In this scenario, sustainable production and consumption practices can be naturally introduced in territorial contexts and economic sectors affected by scarcity of financial resources, through the action of what can be considered a supplementary amount of creativity or ingenuity.

The concept advanced here of ecocentric infrastructure is the result of a kind of organization, public or private, whose prosperity is intrinsically linked to the well-being of the diverse actors directly or indirectly involved in all the successive production phases, from the design and manufacturing of goods or services until their distribution and consumption.

In these larger terms, the ecocentric infrastructure sets forth a dynamic model of local  development with a multiplying effect on the social context where it is located.

 

3. Santropol Roulant, Montreal

It was in 1995, during a troubled period in the history of Quebec marked by separatist movements and youth unemployment, when two young waiters at the Café Santropol, launched the idea of a meals-on-wheels service with a specifically social or community focus, run by young people in Montreal’s Plateau.

After twenty years, up to 100 evening meals are prepared five days a week by 25 volunteers and delivered on foot or by bicycle to the homes of seniors and people with a loss of autonomy: “Santropol Roulant uses food as a vehicle to break social and economic isolation between generations and cultures. Creatively and collaboratively, we and nourish our local community with our novel approaches to active youth engagement, urban food systems, food security and community care”. [2]

In 2010, Santropol has relocated in a new facility at 111 Roy est, equipped with a large kitchen, a grocery shop, a community space that can be rented for meetings and a large rooftop farm. Ancillary to these spaces are a fully equipped workshop for bike repairing and an experimental composting facility for the organic food production.

 

Fig. 2

Montreal, Santropol Roulant. Photo D. Vadalà

 

The main site of Santropol in the Plateau District, is then a lively place with different teams in charge of complementary tasks ranging from food preparation to crop cultivation, from urban beekeeping and composting to bike repairing. Santropol today includes a suburban farm and an experimental site, ‘Edible Campus’, at McGill University (Bhatt, 2011).

 

Fig. 3

Montreal, Santropol Roulant. Photo D. Vadalà
 

Thanks to this decentralized structure, good and genuine meals are delivered at a reasonable price in a large sector of Montreal, providing a high value product service that would be delivered at major costs or lower quality.

The most relevant aspect of Roulant’s enterprise model is a clear commitment to a kind of non-hierarchical decision making. In fact, the Annual General Meeting of members (anyone who has been a client, volunteer, staff member or donor within the past 12 months) elect members to the Roulant Board of Directors, the governing body responsible for the overall policy making. While anyone can be part of the Board, SR encourages in particular young people under 30 to lead the organization, in compliance with its founding principles.

 

4. Women’s Opportunity Center, Kayonza

It was in April 2009 when the New York based architect Sharon Davies arrived for the first time in Kayonza - a rural district in Rwanda, roughly an hour from the capital city of Kigali - to survey the site for a women’s opportunity center commissioned by Women for Women, an NGO that provides women survivors of war and other conflicts with the resources to “move from crisis and poverty into stability and self-sufficiency.”

During this first field trip Davis could see plenty of women walking up and down the hilly countryside, “carrying  big, heavy, yellow fuel canisters filled with a muddy fluid that few in the developed world would call water, but far too many in Kayonza did”. Under this necessity and with the help of hydraulic engineers, Davis began searching for successful, approaches to water collection, determined to make easy access to clean water the focus of the women’s center.

Three and a half years later the center was ready to host the activities of Women for Women. According to Karen Sherman, then Africa regional director of Women for Women “We have over 12,000 graduates of our program in Rwanda, so for hundreds of those women to be a able to come back each year, utilize the center as their own space, access support services, and be together, is just extraordinary … For too long, they’ve felt isolation and shame as war survivors.” (Cary, 2013)

 

Fig. 4

Kayonza, Women’s Opportunity Center. Photo courtesy Sharon Davies Design
 

In architectural terms, the center is defined by the reiteration of a large, fan-like roof system, covering over a dozen small spaces, a cluster of independent circular pavilions inspired by Rwandan tradition. These dual-purpose structures serve as sun-shading devices as well as rainwater collectors. The corrugated metal roof material was chosen because it’s the cleanest material for gathering rainwater, while the clay bricks, spaced apart to welcome daylight, make up most of the circular walls.

The most stunning aspect of this complex is the amount of site-specific creative work employed in its construction: the main building materials, roughly a half-million bricks, were entirely handcrafted with the clay extracted from the site, by the same women who would benefit from the center after its completion.

 

Fig. 5

Kayonza, Women’s Opportunity Center. Photo courtesy Sharon Davies Design
 

The site includes a demonstration farm that helps women produce and market their own goods, a communal kitchen, guest lodging, classrooms, a celebration space, office spaces for lease to partner organizations and public spaces where cooperatives, support networks and other groups can regularly meet.

This complex thus helps to bridge the gap between urban buyers and rural farmers, constituting a place, not far from the capital Kigali, where rural entrepreneurs can incubate businesses in a transition from subsistence farming to larger-scale farming and other entrepreneurial activities.

 

5. Farm Cultural Park, Favara

"We were tired of always having to go to places like New York or London to see anything interesting, we wanted to find a way to transform and improve the area we were living in, for ourselves but also for our kids."

 

Fig. 6

Favara, Farm Cultural Park, Photo courtesy FCP

 

It was this simple desire that led in 2010 Andrea Bartoli and Florinda Saieva to invest directly in the creation of an ambitious cultural enterprise in the very middle of an extremely run-down historic town, in a territorial context, southern Sicily, signed by one of Italy's highest rates of unemployment, a place that, normally, a couple of young professionals with two daughters would be tempted to flee from.  

 

Fig. 7

Favara, Farm Cultural Park, Photo courtesy FCP

 

On the contrary, after having gone back and forth from Sicily to Paris for two years, they have decided to start a piecemeal acquisition and renovation of a part of the dilapidated historic center of Favara, a place that hardly features on a tourist map, eight kilometers from the Valley of the Temples of Agrigento.

Animated by an unceasing flux of exhibitions, workshops and events the project has continued attracting artists and visitors from all over the world, also thanks to important acquisitions of contemporary art collections.

Farm Cultural Park, according to a respected UK newspaper “presents art in a manner and style that relates and speaks to anyone, regardless of whether you're a worldly traveller, an art expert or someone who has never even left the town” Then, in less than two years, they have achieved “the near impossible: turning an impoverished town in the south of Sicily into the island's capital of cool” (The Guardian, 2012).

 

Fig. 8

Favara, Farm Cultural Park, Photo courtesy FCP

 

The different functions are so scattered in seven small piazzas in the dilapidated historic core of Favara: a design corner, a tea garden with bookshop, a sandwich shop, a champagne bar, and a concept store.

The dispersed nature of Farm Cultural Park is completed by a rural mansion for artists in the nearby town of Butera, while a fundraising campaign has started for the creation of a children’s museum through the refurbishment of a large 18th century palazzo.

In a most backward area in Sicily, this cultural hotspot for contemporary arts is proposed to tourists, residents and artists, as a sound approach to urban revitalization without any kind of public funding, thanks to the personal involvement of the promoters and the relations they began establishing with a wide array of external actors.  

 

Fig. 9

Favara, Farm Cultural Park, Photo courtesy FCP
 

5. Towards a framework of action to implement Ecocentric Infrastructures

A firm relationship between sustainability and creativity seems to emerge in the selected case studies through different sorts of adaptable solutions in order to run these projects in conditions of scarcity and uncertainty, that would normally discourage major business opportunities.

A step forward to the definition of the concept of ‘ecocentric infrastructure’ can be provided through a more meaningful characterization of these projects, as these can be analyzed through a set of core features.

In this case it seemed especially helpful to rely upon the groupings that Beus and Dunlap (1990: 598-99) have proposed 25 years ago in order to suggest a comparison, if not a paradigm shift, from conventional to sustainable agriculture [3].

Referring back to that groundbreaking study in the field of rural sociology, an argument which is of particular interest for us is the set of features derived by Beus and Dunlap to define sustainable agriculture in contrast with conventional agriculture:

  • Decentralization
  • Independence
  • Community
  • Harmony with nature
  • Diversity
  • Restraint

What is especially helpful is how those ‘key elements of the competing agricultural paradigms’ may concur to define in more precise terms the character of ecocentric infrastructures.

 A comparative analysis can thus be carried out, based on the prevalence of these distinctive features in each of these case studies (Table 1). [5]

If the Independence in the production and delivering of goods and services appears to be a key aspect in both three cases, other features can explain the success of each project.

In the case of Santropol Roulant, it is a form of organizational Restraint - especially visible in the nonhierarchical management pursued through the direct involvement of volunteers, staff and clients - that seems largely explaining the enduring success of the center in providing a meals-on-wheels service of good quality at a reasonable price in Montreal’s Plateau.

In the rather different setting of rural Rwanda, it was the amount of ‘site specific labor’ available in the Community which gave a distinct character to the Womens’ Opportunity Center, and the opportunity to start a process of ‘import substitution’ based on the distribution of a wide range of agricultural products in this area, not so far from the capital Kigali.

It is finally an idea of Decentralization, distinctively pursued and emphasized in spatial and figurative aspects, that seems to prevail in the success of Farm Cultural Park, private enterprise that has set itself as a cultural institution of international level in one of the most backward places in Italy.

More generally the selected projects illustrate how the ecocentric infrastructures, beyond the specific functions delivered and relying upon site specific creative practices, may improve socially and environmentally our world, inseparable in its natural and artificial aspects, organic and inorganic, tangible and intangible values.

Hopefully, in the near future, this attitude will extend well beyond the boundaries of non-profit organizations, towards the wider business community.

 

Table 1 – Comparative analysis of the selected case studies.

 

 

Table 2 – Towards a framework of action to implement ecocentric infrastructures: case studies and core features.
The categories in bold characters, identified as ‘core features’ (adapted from  Beus and Dunlap, 1990) are the same used to evaluate the selected case studies (Table 1).
 

 

6. Conclusions

From the analysis of the presented case studies, it can be primarily evinced the open character of an ecocentric infrastructure: be it aimed at delivering food or giving livelihood support or providing cultural services, this eminently social enterprise is projected to go beyond its basic function for meeting the needs and expectations of a wider array of potential stakeholders.

Similarly, those identified as the principal beneficiaries - while largely motivating the execution of the project - are the kernel of a wider array of actors, mainly but not necessarily at the local level, that comes to be involved as soon as the project grows.

The characterizing aspects or core features which concur to define these infrastructures may be useful to define a framework of action to implement ecocentric infrastructures (See Table 2).

This framework may be used to evaluate, through the consideration of the prevailing attributes, the role these infrastructures may have in so varied geographical and spatial settings: a dense North American neighbourhood, a Central African rural village and a Mediterranean historical hill-town.

 

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Vikram Bhatt, School of Architecture at McGill University, who made me acquainted with both the ‘Edible Campus’ project and with Carlo Primiani, Urban Agriculture Co-Manager at Santropol Roulant, who pleasingly introduced me to the center in Rue Roy.

Thanks to Andrea Bartoli and Florinda Saieva of Farm Cultural Park, for the information provided. Their strong commitment is a model for a region where many bureaucratic obstacles still dampen the private initiative in key sectors as cultural enterprises and urban renovation.

Finally, but far from least, I would like to thanks Carmela Cucuzzella, Concordia University of Montreal and Jean-Pierre Chupin, Université de Montreal, with whom I could share my ideas about ecocentric infrastructures and whose comments have been of valuable help.

 

Notes

[1] This is defined, according to Paul Shrivastava, as a model where organizations “are appropriately scaled, provide meaningful work, have decentralized participative decision making, have low earning differentials among employees, and have nonhierarchical structures. They establish harmonious relationships between their natural and social environments. They seek to systematically renew natural resources and to minimize waste and pollution” (Shrivastava, 1995).

[2] Santropol Roulant Official Site, accessed March 3, 2016.

[3] “While many analysts have attempted to provide their own definitions of sustainable agriculture, Beus and Dunlap have sought to distinguish empirically the paradigmatic roots of the perspective by analyzing the writings and interviews of farmers, policy makers, agribusiness representatives, and agricultural scientists identified as advocates of alternative vs. conventional agriculture” (Hall, 2002).

[4] In this case a largely qualitative method is used, according to the evaluation of the available data as well as, when possible, through on-site visits.

 

Bibliographic references

Baumann, Zygmunt. (2005) Trust and Fear in the Cities; tr. it., 2005, Fiducia e paura nella città, Milano, Bruno Mondadori.

Beloe, Seb. (1999) “The Greening of Business?”IDS Bulletin 30 (3), 43-49.

Beus, Curtis E., Dunlap, Riley E. (1990) “Conventional Versus Alternative Agriculture: The Paradigmatic Roots of the Debate”, 55 Rural Sociology .

Bhatt, Vikram. (2011) “Urban Agriculture and Urban Design”, in Simopoulos, A.P., (ed) Healthy Agriculture, Healthy Nutrition, Healthy People, World Review of Nutrition and Dietetics, Karger, vol. 102, pp 226-243.

Blumenfeld, Hans. (1955) ‘The Economic Base of The Metropolis, Critical remarks on the basic versus the nonbasic concept’, Journal of the American Institute of Planners (Fall).

Bowers, Chat. (2010) ‘Plenary Address. The Challenge of Making the Transition from Individual to. Ecological Intelligence in an Era of Global Warming.’ Proceedings of the Media Ecology Association, Volume 11, Eleventh Annual Convention, University of Maine, Orono, June 10–13, 2010

Cary, John. (2013) ‘Womens Opportunity Center Sharon Davis Design takes on a life-changing project in Rwanda’, in Metropolis, Jan 2013.

Cuda Roberto. (2013), Strade senza uscita: Banche, costruttori e politici, Castelvecchi, Roma.

Cucuzzella, Carmela; De Coninck, Pierre. (2008) “The precautionary principle as a framework for sustainable design: attempts to counter the rebound effects of production and consumption”. International conference on economic de-growth for ecological sustainability and social equity

Dolan, Paddy. (2002) “The Sustainability of Sustainable Consumption”, Journal of Macromarketing,vol. 22, no.2, pp.170-81.

Elvin, David. (2008) An Evaluation of Methods for Indentifying Local Import Substitution Opportunities to Foster Sustainable Regional Economies, Thesis Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst Department of Landscape Architecture and Regional Planning

Hall Alan. “Canadian Agricultural Policy: Liberal, Global, and Sustainable”, in Fighting for the Farm, Rural America Transformed , edited by Jane Adams, Penn Press, 2002.

Jansen, Kees; Vellema, Sietze. (2004) Agribusiness and Society: Corporate Responses to Environmentalism, Market Opportunities and Public Regulation Zed Books, p.2.

Kilbourne, William E., McDonagh Pierre, Prothero Andrea. (1997), Sustainable Consumption and the Quality of Life: A Macromarketing Challenge to the Dominant Social Paradigm Journal of Macromarketing 17. 4-24.

Madge, Pauline. (1997) “Ecological Design: A New Critique.” Design Issues, 13, 44-54.

Maselli, Giovanna. (2012) "Sicily: the art project that saved a town”, The Guardian, 09/03/12

Salzman, James. (1997) Sustainable Consumption and the Law. Environmental Law, 27: 1243-1293.

Santropol Roulant Official Site, accessed March 3, 2016, Stable URL http://santropolroulant.org/en/what-is-the-roulant/meals-on-wheels/

Shrivastava, Paul. (Jan., 1995) “Ecocentric Management for a Risk Society” The Academy of Management ReviewVol. 20, No. 1, pp. 118-137.

Shrivastava, Paul. (1996) Greening Business:Profiting the Corporation and the Environment. Cincinnati, OH, Thomson Executive Press.

Timmeren A., J. Kristinsson & L.C. Röling, (2006) ‘Alternative network geometry of essential networks for enduring sustainable development’ in Sustainable Construction, Materials and Practices Challenge of the Industry for the New Millennium, (ed.) Luis Bragança IOS Press, Lisbon.

Vadalà Daniele. (2012 Jun) 'The Active Renovation of The Historical Urban Heritage: a Project in Southern Italy' in Journal of Architecture:The sustainability in Architecture and Infrastructure Development”, Research Cell of Chandigarh College of Architecture.

Vadalà Daniele. (2009 Dec) “Territori in Circolo, Architectural Praxis for the Survival of Rural Communities in the Italian Mezzogiorno”, in Field Journal, issue 3: Agency and the Praxis of Activism, Sheffield School of Architecture.

Reference According to APA Style, 5th edition:
Vadala, D. ; (2017) Ecocentric Infrastructures and Site-specific Practices for the Revitalization of Local Cultural Commons. Convergências - Revista de Investigação e Ensino das Artes , VOL X (20) Retrieved from journal URL: http://convergencias.ipcb.pt